The Pentagon’s positive view of arms sales to Greece and the provision of facilities for the sale of the F-35 strategic fighter to the country were seen by the Turkish media as another blow to Washington-Ankara relations.
Washington is still cloudy and there is no sign of friendly and promising signals. The US Senate has recently taken another step that could pose a serious threat to Turkey’s interests.
The Pentagon’s positive stance on arms sales to Greece and the provision of facilities for the sale of the F-35 strategic fighter to this small European country were seen by the Turkish media as another blow to Washington-Ankara relations.
Although media outlets close to Turkey’s ruling party tried to paint a positive picture of the recent meeting between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his American counterpart Joe Biden, but the situation on the ground shows that Washington is obviously taking its toll on Turkey, and if there is talk of issues such as the continued Turkish military presence in Afghanistan, Washington’s preference is that Such issues should be considered at the expert level or finally at the level of the Deputy Minister.
On the sidelines of the Libyan conference in Berlin, there was no bilateral meeting between Cavusoglu and Anthony Blinken.
That is why there are so many analysts who have openly spoken of the freezing of US-Turkish relations.
The United States has turned Turkey’s approach to Russia and its purchase of the S400 missile defense system into a golden excuse, not only imposing arms embargoes on the Turkish presidential defense team, but also handing over F-35 fighter jets to It has made Turkey impossible and excluded it from the group of manufacturers of more than nine hundred different parts of this modern fighter.
Yes for Greece, no for Turkey
The move by several US senators to draw up a plan to provide arms to Greece has raised concerns in Turkey.
The chairman of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Bob Menendez, along with another senator, Marco Rubio, have presented a plan that has several important points:
- Providing financial and military aid to Greece over a four-year period from 2022 to 2026.
- Removing Russian equipment and weapons from the Greek army and armed forces and replacing them with American equipment.
- Formation of an inter-parliamentary friendship group consisting of Greece, the United States, Cyprus and the Zionist regime.
- Give full authority to Joe Biden to sell the F-35 fighter to Greece.
- Provide banking facilities to Greece to purchase F-35s and other weapons.
The plan requires the approval of the Senate, the House of Representatives and Joe Biden’s own approval, and if finally approved, will pose new challenges for Turkey in the sensitive and geo-strategic area of ​​the Eastern Mediterranean.
News of the Senate’s new decision to provide arms to Greece has angered some Turkish experts and the media. Because senior US Department of Defense experts have explicitly recommended that the F-35 fighter is sold to Greece.
The US desire to sell a fifth-generation fighter to Greece was first raised two months ago by US Ambassador to Greece Geoffrey Piat, and incidentally his remarks received special attention in the Turkish media. Because he had made a clear position on Greece, the F-35, as well as the Athens-Ankara relations: “We want to provide the F-35 fighter to Greece. If Greece makes such a request, we will not reject it. Because we want the Greek navy to be very strong. As for the negotiations between Athens and Ankara, I must say that the ball is in the Turks’ court and they must coordinate with Greece on their operations and exploration provocations in the eastern Mediterranean.”
Turkey hoped that the remarks of the US ambassador to Greece were merely a diplomatic comment by the ambassador. But now evidence shows that Congress, the Senate and the Pentagon have discussed in detail the strengthening of Greece’s defenses.
Is Israel involved?
One of the issues related to the new decisions of the Pentagon experts regarding the military support of Greece is to examine the role of the Zionist regime in this matter.
The Zionist regime is engaged in military and security operations and the construction of an airport in Turkey, buying most of the shares in the Greek defense industry, as well as establishing good relations with Cyprus.
Interestingly, the Zionists, in addition to participating and accompanying Egypt, even brought with them elements from outside this geographical area, and to the greed of sharing and accompanying in another area, attracted the attention of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Jordan.
The Erdogan government hopes to gradually improve the deteriorating relations between Turkey and the United States. But the fact is that Joe Biden’s team has so far shown in its diplomatic policy that maintaining distance with Turkey has practically become part of the foreign policy component of the new US administration.
Perhaps one of the main reasons for this decision is the controversial slogan of the return of the United States to the arena of world power and the focus on countering the growing power of Russia and China. But without a doubt, in parallel with this important reason, Biden’s attitude must be analyzed in the light of the political tradition of the American Democrats, that although at times, in terms of diplomatic gesture and political relations, they have treated the Turkish government with respect, but at the same time, in their political and regional calculations, not only has it not opened a special account on an ally named Turkey. They have always tried not to give strange and significant concessions to the only Muslim member of NATO.